On 16 May 1944, Sinti and Roma prisoners held in Camp Section BIIe of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration and extermination camp are said to have carried out an act of collective resistance. The sources for this event are sparse and contradictory. As a result, there are conflicting perspectives on the specific events, exactly when they happened and how they should be characterised. Nevertheless, this date has gained significance as a day of remembrance for the resistance of Sinti and Roma against genocide since 16 May 2004, when the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma organised a 60th anniversary event in Berlin, Germany.
Report by Tadeusz Joachimowski
The main source for the resistance action is a report written in Polish by Tadeusz Joachimowski (1908–1979), who had been held as a Polish political prisoner in Auschwitz since August 1940. From March 1943, Joachimowski held the position of ‘prisoner clerk’ and from May 1944 that of ‘main clerk’ (known as reporting clerk) in Camp Section BIIe, where the so-called ‘Gypsy camp’ was located. As reporting clerk, he was responsible for reporting on the prisoner population to the Schutzstaffel (SS) camp administration.1See the transcript of Tadeusz Joachimowski‘s testimony before the District Commission for the Investigation of Nazi Crimes in Krakow, 2 July 1968, printed in Geigges et al., Zigeuner heute, 284–288. He was therefore familiar with the arrival of prisoners, their transfers to other camps, deaths, sickness and the other goings-on in the camp.
A summary of his report dated 17 January 1960, which is preserved in the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum, was included in the ‘Auschwitz Chronicle 1939–1945’. Its inclusion in this widely read standard work elevated Joachimowski’s account to the status of an event whose date and factuality seemed certain.2The event is not listed in the first Polish edition of the chronicle, which the Auschwitz Memorial published in instalments between 1958 and 1964 in the journal Zeszyty Oswieçimskie [Auschwitz Review]. For the 16 May 1944, see Zeszyty Oswieçimskie. Oswieçim: Wydawnicstwo Państwowe Muzeum Auschwitz-Birkenau, 6 (1962), 71 f. The 1990 English edition of the chronicle states: ‘[15 May 1944] The Commandant’s Office of Auschwitz decides to liquidate the residents of the Gypsy Family Camp, B-IIe, in Birkenau the next day. Approximately 6,000 men, women and children are in camp B-IIe. The Director of Camp BII-e at the time, Paul Bonigut,3Paul (also Georg) Bonigut (1913–unknown), Lagerführer in Camp Section BIIe from April to early August 1944, then initially Lagerführer, later Rapportführer in the Charlottengrube satellite camp. See Rudorff, “Charlottengrube,” 206, 208. an opponent of this decision, secretly informs Gypsies whom he trusts so that they will not give themselves up alive.’4Czech, Auschwitz Chronicle, 626. Tadeusz Joachimowski‘s original report is in: Archives of the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum (Państwowe Muzeum Auschwitz-Birkenau, APMO), Reports, vol. 13, 56–80. On the date: Documentation and Cultural Centre of German Sinti and Roma, “Widerstandsaktion der Sinti und Roma im Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslager Auschwitz-Birkenau am 16. Mai 1944,“ 15 April 2004. In Kapralski et al., Roma in Auschwitz, 101–105, excerpts from the source summarised in the calendar are reproduced in English translation. Among other things, it states that Joachimowski was asked by Bonigut to inform ‘absolutely trustworthy Gypsies‘ about the impending ‘liquidation‘ (101). According to an article by Romani Rose, Joachimowski informed Josef Steinbach, a fellow prisoner and messenger in the camp office, and Paul Wagner, the block elder. See Rose, “Nicht kampflos in die Gaskammer gehen” [Not going to the gas chamber without a fight]. Unfortunately, it has not been possible to identify the prisoners mentioned.
It further states: ‘[16 May 1944]: A so-called camp arrest is announced at about 7:00 p.m. in the Gypsy Family Camp in Birkenau. Vehicles drive up in front of the camp, from which SS men armed with machine guns emerge and surround the camp. The leader of the operation orders the Gypsies to leave the barracks. Forewarned, the Gypsies, armed with knives, spades, crowbars, and stones, refuse to leave the barracks. Astonished, the SS men go to the commander of the operation in the Block Leader’s room. After a conference, a whistle signals the SS men who have surrounded the barrack to retreat from their positions. The SS men leave Camp B-IIe. The first attempt to liquidate the Gypsies has failed.’5Czech, Auschwitz Chronicle, 626.
Tadeusz Joachimowski later corrected the date of the event several times. He initially stated that he had learned of the impending murder of the Sinti and Roma on 15 April 1944, then changed the date to ‘early April 1944’.6Kubica and Setkiewicz, “The Last Stage of the Functioning of the Zigeunerlager,” 10. For the report dated 15 April 1944 and other versions, see id., “The Last Stage of the Existence of the Birkenau Zigeunerlager,” 244, 249. During a conversation in 1975, he gave 5 April 1944 as the ‘approximate’ date.7Rüdiger, “’Jeder Stein ist ein Blutstropfen’. Zigeuner in Auschwitz-Birkenau,” 142, 145.
Public Dissemination
As far as can be ascertained at present, the narrative of an act of collective resistance by Sinti and Roma in Auschwitz-Birkenau in the spring of 1944 emerged gradually in the 1980s, and since 2004 this event has increasingly been referred to as an ‘uprising’.
In one of the earliest publications that can be considered an overview of the genocide—by Miriam Novitch (1909–1990) from 1968—the resistance action is not mentioned, even though the publication was issued by a committee planning the erection of a memorial to the Sinti and Roma murdered in Auschwitz. Donald Kenrick (1929–2015) and Grattan Puxon (born 1939) also do not mention the event in their groundbreaking study of 1972.8There is no reference to this in the German edition published in 1981, either.
In 1979, author and radio journalist Gerhard F. Rüdiger (born 1935) published the first account of the events that were later attributed to 16 May 1944 in the German-speaking world. In his account he quotes from an interview with Tadeusz Joachimowski, which Rüdiger conducted with him in February 1975 in Wittnau near Freiburg im Breisgau, Germany. In the relevant passage, Joachimowski gives 5 April 1944 as the approximate date.9Rüdiger, “’Jeder Stein ist ein Blutstropfen’. Zigeuner in Auschwitz-Birkenau,” 142, 145. The article appeared in a popular paperback with the programmatic title ‘In Auschwitz vergast, bis heute verfolgt’ [Gassed in Auschwitz, persecuted to this day].10The volume published by Tilman Zülch (1939–2023) for the Society for Threatened Peoples was inspired by the civil rights movement of the Sinti and Roma and provided information about Nazi persecution as well as the racism that continued after 1945. The wording of this interview passage is quoted in detail in the 1989 study by political scientist Ulrich König (born 1955) on the resistance of Sinti and Roma during National Socialism.11König, Sinti und Roma unter dem Nationalsozialismus, 130.
In his standard work ‘Rassenutopie und Genozid’ [Racial Utopia and Genocide], published in 1996, historian Michael Zimmermann (1951–2007) adopts, with reference to the report of the ‘well-informed’ Tadeusz Joachimowski, the account from Danuta Czech’s chronicle of an attempted murder by the SS on 16 May 1944 that failed due to the collective resistance of the Sinti and Roma.12Zimmermann, Rassenutopie und Genozid, 340.
In the 1990s, the 50th anniversary of the murder of the Sinti and Roma in Auschwitz-Birkenau on 2 August 1994 prompted a wave of new publications on the subject associated with the work of the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum. In a commemorative publication marking the 50th anniversary—published in collaboration with the Association of Roma in Poland [Stowarzyszenie Romów w Polsce] by former Auschwitz prisoner and historian Wacław Długoborski (1926–2021), who worked at the memorial site for many years—there is no mention of the resistance action. However, it is discussed in some detail in the anthology ‘Das Schicksal der Sinti und Roma im KL Auschwitz-Birkenau’ [The Fate of the Sinti and Roma in KL Auschwitz-Birkenau], also published by the association in 1994 and authored by Kazimierz Smoleń (1920–2012), himself an Auschwitz survivor, co-founder and long-time director of the memorial site.13Smoleń, “Das Schicksal der Sinti und Roma im KL Auschwitz-Birkenau,“ 165–67. Two chapters in an anthology based on a conference held at the memorial site in 1991 and published in 1998 make brief mention of a failed attempt to liquidate Camp Section BIIe, one referring to resistance from the Sinti and Roma against an intended murder.14Długoborski, Sinti und Roma im KL Auschwitz-Birkenau 1943–44, 273 and 313.
The Polish original of Joachimowski’s report gained international visibility with the opening of the permanent exhibition on the Nazi genocide of the Sinti and Roma in Block 13 of the former Auschwitz main camp on 2 August 2001. In the exhibition, which was largely designed by the Documentation and Cultural Centre of German Sinti and Roma in Heidelberg, the resistance action is presented on the basis of two pages of the report in the section ‘Selbstbehauptung und Widerstand in Auschwitz-Birkenau’ [Self-assertion and Resistance in Auschwitz-Birkenau].15See the German-language catalogue of the exhibition: Rose, Der nationalsozialistische Völkermord, 287–89. On the occasion of the 60th anniversary in 2004, the events attributed to 16 May 1944 were formally commemorated as an ‘uprising’. A commemorative event initiated by the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma at the Foreign Office in Berlin was attended by 800 guests from many countries, including prominent speakers such as Federal President Johannes Rau (1931–2006), Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer (born 1948) and Polish Foreign Minister Władysław Bartoszewski (1922–2015).16See the documentation of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, Gedenkveranstaltung zum 60. Jahrestag.
Survivor Testimonies
In 2018, historians Helena Kubica (born 1954) and Piotr Setkiewicz (born 1963) also addressed the tradition surrounding 16 May 1944 in an article about the last months of the ‘Gypsy camp’ in Auschwitz-Birkenau. They pointed out that the event described by Joachimowski is not mentioned in the numerous survivor accounts kept in the archives of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum and date from the 1960s and 1970s.17Kubica and Setkiewicz, “The Last Stage of the Functioning of the Zigeunerlager,” 6 f. The article appeared in expanded form in 2023 with detailed references in Polish. In the English translation, published in 2025, information on the analysed accounts of survivors can be found on pages 245 f.
Also in 2018, cultural anthropologist Joanna Talewicz (born 1980) published a research report on resistance and survival strategies of Sinti and Roma in Auschwitz-Birkenau. Out of a total of 3,760 testimonies in the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum archives, she identified 23 reports by Sinti and Roma and 202 reports by survivors from other prisoner groups in which Sinti and Roma are mentioned. She also evaluated hundreds of interviews with surviving Sinti and Roma in various archives, including those of Roma organisations, drew on published biographical testimonies and conducted her own interviews with survivors.18Talewicz (formerly Talewicz-Kwiatkowska), “Research Report,” 112–14.
Despite this broad source base, no statements could be found to corroborate those made by Tadeusz Joachimowski regarding 16 May 1944. Two of the three sources she cites as yet to be fully considered—an account from 2004 compiled from conversations with Walter ‘Stanoski’ Winter (1919–2012), and an interview with Hermann Höllenreiner (born 1933), conducted by an employee of the Documentation and Cultural Centre of German Sinti and Roma in 2017—cannot, on closer inspection, be used as evidence of resistance on 16 May 1944 against a plan to murder all Sinti and Roma. Apart from the fact that they were produced at a late stage, their evidential value is limited because the influence of the respective author or interviewer on the content and narrative is unmistakable in both testimonies.19Ibid., 119–21; excerpts from the three reports in English translation on 126–29. Criticism of the suggestive questioning in the interview with Hermann Höllenreiner in ibid., 120. The biography of Walter Winter written by Karin Guth is not a published interview, but a story compiled by the author in the form of a first-person narrative based on several unrecorded conversations. Cf. Guth, Z 3105. Der Sinto Walter Winter, 9. Her account of the resistance action, which she describes on pages 108 f. and dates to ‘around mid-May’ (108), deviates significantly from the relevant passages in the 1999 autobiography based on an interview, cf. Winter, Winter Time, 77 f.
The passages that Talewicz quotes from the third source, the 1998 autobiography of Otto Rosenberg (1927–2001), also do not attest to an event dated by Joachimowski as having taken place on 16 May 1944. Rather, they have to be read against the background of the pressure created by the SS practice of repeatedly selecting groups of BIIe prisoners for removal and murder.20See below for more on this.
In a response to the essay by Helena Kubica and Piotr Setkiewicz, historian Jan Kreutz, then an employee of the Documentation and Cultural Centre of German Sinti and Roma in Heidelberg, argued in 2021 that the ‘number of independently produced eyewitness accounts of the uprising of 16 May 1944’ is underestimated.21Kreutz, “Der Aufstand der Sinti und Roma,” 74. In addition to the text about Walter Winter mentioned above and Otto Rosenberg’s autobiography, he refers to the survivor Zilli Schmidt (1924–2022), whose memoirs, published in 2020, mention resistance but not an ‘uprising’ on a specific date.22Schmidt, Gott hat mit mir etwas vorgehabt, 51.
In addition to Joachimowski’s earlier statements, Kreutz cites thirteen witness statements compiled by the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma in 2004 in the course of reviewing documents from the trial of SS-Rottenführer Ernst-August König (1919–1991), who was stationed at Auschwitz-Birkenau. Two of these witness statements come from the files of the earlier Auschwitz trials, while the rest were made in the 1980s.23Archive of the Documentation and Cultural Centre of German Sinti and Roma (Dokuz Archive), Arnold Roßberg, Aktenauswertung Straf- und Ermittlungsverfahren gegen E.A. König und andere, Heidelberg, 15 April 2004, 6 pages. On closer inspection, it becomes apparent that none of the short quotations provide concrete evidence of an act of resistance on 16 May 1944; rather, they can plausibly be related to episodes that occurred in Camp Section BIIe: the selection of prisoners for the gas chambers in 1943 and for forced labour in the spring of 1944, or to the actual murder of the Sinti and Roma from Camp Section BIIe on 2 August 1944.24An example of this is an excerpt from a letter written by Polish prisoner Maximilian Sternol on 18 May 1959, which states: ‚Since these unfortunate people knew what was going to happen to them, they refused to leave the blocks where they were housed to be loaded onto the waiting trucks.‘ Quoted from ibid., 4, and Kreutz, “Der Aufstand der Sinti und Roma,” 77.
For example, Walter ‘Stanoski’ Winter describes the following scene in his autobiography ‘Winter Time’, first published in German 1999: ‘We chose thirty men and made a plan. We knew exactly how the SS proceeded. They flung open the door and stormed in shouting, “Out, out, out!” We agreed, “If they come to us we’ll stand behind the door, we’ll let them sorm in, we’ll die one way or the other, it doesn’t matter how. We’ll grab them.” […] We were ready and waiting behind the door. The SS were in the last block before ours. One of us kept a lookout from a ventilation slit over the top bunk, in the otherwise windowless blocks. I also took my turn as a lookout. Plagge was there, König, Beinski, Broad and Palitzsch.25This refers to SS-Oberscharführer Ludwig Plagge (1910–1948), SS-Rottenführer Ernst-August König (1919–1991), SS-Rottenführer Karl Bainski (biographical data unknown), SS-Rottenführer Pery Broad (1921–1993) and SS-Hauptscharführer Gerhard Palitzsch (1913–1944). When they were finished with this block, the people were loaded onto lorries and driven to the gas chamber. […] Suddenly, someone arrived on a motorbike and, we did not know why, the operation was broken off.’26Winter, Winter Time, 77 f.
The agreed readiness to resist, the SS’s intrusion into the camp section and the abandonment of the selections are reminiscent of Joachimowski’s descriptions. However, Winter places the scene in the context of the events surrounding the murder of the Sinti and Roma who were delivered from Bialystok in the spring of 1943.27Ibid.
The Narrative of the Uprising
As Kubica and Setkiewicz point out, there is no mention of a resistance action in Camp Section BIIe on 16 May 1944 in other sources either, neither in the reports that arrived at the headquarters of the Polish Home Army in Warsaw at the time, nor in the reports of the camp resistance, which have been preserved in significant numbers for the period from May to August 1944.28Ibid. They also consider it unlikely that heavily armed SS squads would have withdrawn because they were facing closed barracks and expected possible resistance.29Ibid., 249.
Furthermore, there is no evidence of any kind of direct confrontation between Sinti and Roma and the SS guards. In their examination of the account of 16 May, Kubica and Setkiewicz therefore criticise the use of the terms ‘uprising’ or ‘revolt’ as ‘semantic misuse’, especially against the background of the uprising of the ‘Sonderkommando’30The groups of prisoners who were forced to burn the corpses in the crematoria and who, as witnesses to the crimes, were murdered by the SS after a certain period of time were referred to as ‘Sonderkommandos’. on 7 October 1944, which did lead to fighting between prisoners and SS men.31See Kubica and Setkiewicz, “The Last Stage of the Functioning of the Zigeunerlager,” 10: ‘In such a context, referring to an “uprising” or a “revolt” seems to constitute a semantic misuse.’
According to Kubica and Setkiewicz, however, such physical resistance on the part of Sinti and Roma is attested to on 2 August 1944. As an example, they cite a report by Polish political prisoner Alfred Fiderkiewicz (1886–1972), which states, among other things: ‘No one left the barrack without resisting. Every step was fought over. We heard the shouting of the SS men and the screaming of the Gypsies. The fiercest resistance was put up by women—who were younger and stronger—defending their children.’32Fiderkiewicz, Brzezinka, 273 f., quoted from Kubica and Setkiewicz, „The Last Stage in the Existence of the Birkenau Zigeunerlager,“ 253.
Situating the Narrative
Another argument against the event of an ‘uprising’ on 16 May 1944 is that, apart from Tadeusz Joachimowski’s statement, there is no evidence that May 1944 marks a particular moment in the development or implementation of a plan to liquidate the ‘Gypsy Camp’. It is most likely that, anticipating the deportation of more than 430,000 Jews from Hungary and Hungarian-occupied territories to Auschwitz-Birkenau, Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler (1900–1945) had already decided in the first half of April 1944 that the Sinti and Roma who remained there following a final selection of those still ‘fit for work’ were to be murdered.33See Fings, “Auschwitz-Birkenau (2 August 1944).”
This is supported by the fact that the former camp commandant Rudolf Höß (1901–1947) returned to Auschwitz from Berlin in May 1944, tasked with arranging for the reception and processing of the expected transports from Hungary and ensuring the swift murder of the Jewish men and women. As part of this process, arrangements were also made for the transfer of around 1,350 prisoners from the ‘Gypsy Camp’ to the Buchenwald and Ravensbrück concentration camps.34Fings and Sparing, Rassismus, Lager, Völkermord, 326–28. This transfer took place on 15 April 1944, and it can be assumed that rumours and fears arose in connection with the selection of those ‘fit for work’ and that preparations were also made for resistance in the event of an attempt to drive the prisoners of Camp Section BIIe into the gas chambers.35See also Kubica and Setkiewicz, “The Last Stage of the Functioning of the Zigeunerlager,” 10; Kubica and Setkiewicz, “The Last Stage in the Existence of the Birkenau Zigeunerlager,“ 252 f.
Camp Section BIIe was by no means completely isolated from the rest of Auschwitz-Birkenau, and Sinti and Roma also had acquaintances or even friends among prisoners from other parts of the camp and exchanged information with them. Reports about events in the camp and their own observations—which included the routine processing of hundreds of deportees on their way to the gas chambers—must have intensified in the spring of 1944, leading them to realise that they too were in danger: On 7 March 1944 there began the systematic murder of Jews from the Theresienstadt ghetto, who had been admitted to camp section BIIb (also a ‘family camp’) since 8 September 1943.36Setkiewicz and Lachendro, Kalendarz wydarzeń w KL Auschwitz, vol. 4, 1459.
Moreover, on 16 May 1944, for the first time in Auschwitz-Birkenau, all camp sections were subject to a prolonged ‘Blocksperre’ [block lockdown], during which all prisoners were forbidden to leave their quarters. The reason for this was the arrival of the first ‘special transports’ from Hungary. Most of the Jewish men, women and children who arrived that day in three freight trains, each with 45 wagons, were murdered in the gas chambers immediately after their arrival.37Ibid., 1524 f. Cf. for example the observations by Winter, Winter Time, 77–82.
Otto Rosenberg’s detailed account of collective passive resistance is the one that can best be related to actual events on 16 May 1944 in Auschwitz-Birkenau. Although he does not mention a date, he reports on information received by the Sinti and Roma that they were going to be ‘rounded up’ and ‘burned’,38In describing this episode, Rosenberg uses the term ‘round up’ (‘Ausheben’) first with reference to the Sinti and Roma from Białystok who were murdered on 25 May 1943, and always in association with the fact or threat of being burnt up (‘verbrannt’). Accordingly, this narrative cannot refer to the selection for forced labour on 15 April 1944; cf. Rosenberg, A Gypsy in Auschwitz, 81 f. whereupon they barricaded themselves in the barracks, equipped with ‘shovel, spade, hammer, pick, hoe, pitchfork, with our work tools and whatever people had found’. Rosenberg describes how SS-Obersturmführer Johann Schwarzhuber (1904–1947), at that time Lagerführer of the men’s camp in Auschwitz-Birkenau, checked the prisoners’ blocks ‘with his men marching into the camp, leashed dogs and machine-guns’. He goes on to say: ‘Schwarzhuber noticed that the lights had gone on in all the barracks, and also over in the Poles’ camp and the Jews’ camp, and that all of Birkenau was lit up. […] And so Schwarzhuber checked on a few blocks and then marched off with his troops just as he had marched in, without further ado […].’39Ibid., 82 f.
The description of the lighting throughout the camp could indicate that this scene took place during the lockdown mentioned above: Schwarzhuber was checking compliance with the lockdown without intending, as Rosenberg imagined, to evacuate Section BIIe.
Rosenberg also pointed out that it was primarily the experienced and still strong men who agreed among themselves to ‘sell their lives as dearly as possible’.40Ibid., 82. Many men among the German Sinti and Roma—who represented the largest group among the Romani inmates in Auschwitz-Birkenau—had experienced Nazi oppression since 1933, many had learned first-hand what concentration camps meant as early as 1938, and quite a few had been hardened by frontline service as soldiers in the Wehrmacht and were skilled in the use of weapons. At times, soldiers who had been dismissed from the Wehrmacht on racial grounds, like Max Friedrich (1909–1991), were housed together in Block 7,41Cf. the statement by Max Friedrich during the first Auschwitz trial on 11 December 1964, in https://www.auschwitz-prozess.de/zeugenaussagen/Friedrich-Max/ [accessed: 02/07/2025]. and this enabled them to form bonds and make plans.
Survivor memories of episodes of collective resistance in Auschwitz-Birkenau can therefore be traced back to concrete intentions and real experiences, even if the scene described by Joachimowski must be considered historically unproven.
Culture of Remembrance
In summary, it can be stated that, according to the available evidence, there was no attempt by the SS on 16 May 1944 to murder the Sinti and Roma still living in Camp Section BIIe in Birkenau; nor was there an uprising by the prisoners held there. Based on the research conducted by the staff of the Auschwitz Memorial, the event described by Joachimowski for 16 May 1944 is no longer included in the completely revised edition of the ‘Chronicle of Events in Auschwitz-Birkenau’, which was published in Polish in 2024.42Setkiewicz and Lachendro, Kalendarz wydarzeń w KL Auschwitz, vol. 4, 1523–1526.
Historically unverified though the event is, however, the transmission of this narrative has had a lasting and important influence on the current culture of remembrance, one whose significance should by no means be underestimated. Many community organisations commemorate 16 May as the International Day of Resistance of the Sinti and Roma, emphasising that members of the communities were not only victims, but also defended themselves against persecution and murder, were resilient and resistant, tried to save themselves and their loved ones, and actively fought against National Socialism and Fascism. The focus is not on the history of oppression, but on the history of resistance and thus also on the agency of Sinti and Roma.43See, for example, the ‘Statement on Romani Resistance Day’ issued by the Council of Europe’s Advisory Council on Youth on 16 May 2020, in https://rm.coe.int/romani-resistance-day-16-may/16809e4ece [accessed: 08/07/2025]. This perspective is adopted by many young people from the communities in particular, as part of the process of self-empowerment.44See https://2august.eu/roma-resistance-day/ [accessed: 08/07/2025]. The commemoration of resistance is also seen as a resource in the fight against contemporary racism.45See https://www.lavoixdesrroms.com/mouvement-du-16-mai [accessed: 08/07/2025].
Such activities have in turn inspired new research that addresses previously neglected European sites and actors of Sinti and Roma resistance, thereby enriching historical scholarship.46Kóczé and Szász, Roma Resistance during the Holocaust and its Aftermath; Mirga-Kruszelnicka and Dunajeva, Re-Thinking Roma Resistance throughout History.
